| From Colony to Superpower : U.S. Foreign Relations since 1776 |  | Author: George C. Herring
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Category: eBooks
In Stock
Rating:  63 reviews
Sales Rank: 31,945
Format: Kindle Book
Media: Kindle Edition
Pages: 1056
Number Of Items: 1
Dewey Decimal Number: 327.73
Publication Date: October 24, 2008
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Amazon.com Review
The Oxford History of the United States is the most respected multi-volume history of our nation in print. The series includes three Pulitzer Prize-winners, a New York Times bestseller, and winners of the prestigious Bancroft and Parkman Prizes. From Colony to Superpower is the only thematic volume commissioned for the series. Here, George C. Herring uses foreign relations as the lens through which to tell the story of America's dramatic rise from thirteen disparate colonies huddled along the Atlantic coast to the world's greatest superpower. A sweeping account of United States foreign relations and diplomacy, this magisterial volume documents America's interaction with other peoples and nations of the world. Herring tells a story of stunning successes and sometimes tragic failures, captured in a fast-paced narrative that illuminates the central importance of foreign relations to the existence and survival of the nation, and highlights its ongoing impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. He shows how policymakers defined American interests broadly to include territorial expansion, access to growing markets, and the spread of an "American way" of life. Herring does all this in a story rich in human drama and filled with epic events. Statesmen such as Benjamin Franklin, Woodrow Wilson, Harry Truman, and Dean Acheson played key roles in America's rise to world power. But America's expansion as a nation also owes much to the adventurers and explorers, the sea captains, merchants and captains of industry, the missionaries and diplomats, who discovered or charted new lands, developed new avenues of commerce, and established and defended the nation's interests abroad. From the American Revolution to the fifty-year struggle with communism and conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, From Colony to Superpower tells the dramatic story of America's emergence as superpower--its birth in revolution, its troubled present, and its uncertain future.
Read an Amazon Exclusive interview with author George C. Herring and David M. Kennedy, editor of the Oxford History of the United States series. Questions for George C. Herring
 Kennedy: Your book covers the entire span of the history of the United States. What was the biggest challenge of writing a book of this scope for the Oxford History of the United States series? Herring: Managing such a large subject and such a vast quantity of source material was daunting, indeed, at times, downright intimidating. Somewhat to my surprise, I also found it more difficult to write those chapters dealing with subjects I knew the most about, the Vietnam War era, for example. The great joys of doing the book, on the other hand, were to have the opportunity to pull together in some meaningful fashion what I had been teaching and writing about for forty years and especially to find myself learning new things each day.
Kennedy: Do you accept the conventional notion that the United States was isolationist for much of its history? Herring: The idea of an isolationist America, still included in some textbooks, is one of the great myths of United States history. For good reasons, the nation for its first century and a half did pursue a unilateralist foreign policy, avoiding alliances that would restrict its freedom of action or entangle it in wars. But it was never strictly isolationist. Especially in the realm of economics, Americans sought full engagement with the world. The one time when the United States can accurately be said to have been isolationist is the era of the Great Depression, the 1930s.
Kennedy: What period did you find yourself most surprised by as you wrote this book? Herring: I’m not sure that surprise is the right word, but I especially enjoyed doing the chapter covering the period 1837-1861. I got to know wonderful characters such as naval officers Charles Wilkes and Matthew Perry, merchant/diplomats Caleb Cushing and Edmund Roberts, filibusterer William Walker, and statesmen Henry Clay, James K. Polk, and Daniel Webster. More than I had appreciated, Americans were engaged in a great variety of activities and running up against different people all over the world. Through the Oregon treaty and the war with Mexico, the United States added a vast expanse of territory. There was so much energy, so much happening.
Kennedy: In what ways has religion shaped American foreign policy? Herring: From the founding to the present, religion has played a subtle but often very important role in shaping U.S. foreign policy. Americans have seen themselves as a chosen people, “God’s American Israel,” the Puritans called it, uniquely virtuous and benevolent. In the nineteenth century, they believed it their Manifest Destiny to spread across the North American continent and later to uplift lesser peoples in overseas territories. The influence of religion has especially been felt through individuals such as Woodrow Wilson, a minister’s son, whose sense of America’s destiny and his own had powerful religious undertones, and the born-again Christians Jimmy Carter and George W. Bush.
Kennedy: How did the current interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan shape your writing of these events as history? Was it a challenge to write about them in a non-partisan way? Herring: It was of course difficult to treat these events as history since at the time I was writing the outcome in each case was very much in doubt. I had strongly opposed the war against Iraq, and I would be less than honest if I said that my opposition to that war did not influence my writing about it. I do believe that I was able to put the two wars in the larger framework of post Cold War and 9/11 U.S. foreign policies. These wars also caused me to look more closely at earlier interventions–of which, going back to 1775, there have been many–and to conclude that while Americans generally have viewed themselves as liberators the principal result in most cases has been to spur nationalism on the part of the people invaded.
Kennedy: With all of the foreign policy issues facing the U.S. right now, what will readers take away from reading about the deep history of America’s relationship with the world? Herring: I hope, first, that readers will enjoy reading as much as I enjoyed writing about the exciting events and colorful personalities described in these pages. I also hope that they will take away from the book a fuller and more balanced appreciation of America’s dealings with other nations. The United States has been a “force for good in the world,” as the mantra of this year’s election campaign goes, but that is only part of the story, and I hope by gaining a fuller and more complex view they will better understand who we are as a nation and how others see us. I would also hope that readers might gain a better comprehension of the complexity of diplomacy and the reasons why it works or fails to work. Finally, by seeing where we as a nation have been, I hope that readers might have a better sense of where we are and where we need to go.
American Foreign Policy in Images Take a look at paintings, an engraving and an photograph that depict pivotal moments in war and diplomacy.
Click any detail below for the full image and explanatory text by George C. Herring.
Product Description
The Oxford History of the United States is the most respected multi-volume history of our nation in print. The series includes three Pulitzer Prize-winners, a New York Times bestseller, and winners of prestigious Bancroft and Parkman Prizes. From Colony to Superpower is the only thematic volume commissioned for the series. Here George C. Herring uses foreign relations as the lens through which to tell the story of America's dramatic rise from thirteen disparate colonies huddled along the Atlantic coast to the world's greatest superpower.
----- A sweeping account of United States' foreign relations and diplomacy, this magisterial volume documents America's interaction with other peoples and nations of the world. Herring tells a story of stunning successes and sometimes tragic failures, captured in a fast-paced narrative that illuminates the central importance of foreign relations to the existence and survival of the nation, and highlights its ongoing impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. He shows how policymakers defined American interests broadly to include territorial expansion, access to growing markets, and the spread of an "American way" of life. And Herring does all this in a story rich in human drama and filled with epic events. Statesmen such as Benjamin Franklin and Woodrow Wilson and Harry Truman and Dean Acheson played key roles in America's rise to world power. But America's expansion as a nation also owes much to the adventurers and explorers, the sea captains, merchants and captains of industry, the missionaries and diplomats, who discovered or charted new lands, developed new avenues of commerce, and established and defended the nation's interests in foreign lands.
----- From the American Revolution to the fifty-year struggle with communism and conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, From Colony to Superpower tells the dramatic story of America's emergence as superpower--its birth in revolution, its troubled present, and its uncertain future.
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| Customer Reviews:
Showing reviews 1-5 of 63
 some statement of factural errors exist July 5, 2010
Paul Lee
0 out of 1 found this review helpful
This book is informative, however it should have better proof reading to get rid of factual errors. Up to the first tenth of the book I find two factual errors which common senses can judge to be incorrect.
1. page 107, on Louisiana Purchase: it states " the nation acquired 287,000 acres, doubling its territory....". I suppose acres should be square miles.
2. paage 127, on cost of war of 1812: it states "cost more than two thousand American lives and $158 billion". I suppose billion shuld be emillion.
additional error in numbers:
1. page 374, "In a treaty negotiated just before Taft left office, it gave Nicaragua $3 billion for a naval base and canal rights." the $3 billion should be $3 million.
2. page 597, " The gross national product skyrocketed from $886 million in 1939 to $ 135 billion in 1945." For $1 billion equals to $1,000 million, I suppose by "$886 million" the author meaans "$88.6 billion". According to published data U.S. GNP in 1939 was $92 billion.
 Audicious, opinionated tour de force July 1, 2010
Keith Wheelock (Skillman, NJ USA)
This is a monumental synthesis and assessment of U. S. foreign relation from 1776 to the early 21st century. It is an unprecedented American historical decathlon, exploring long forgotten corners of the evolution of U. S. foreign relations and melding these into a cohesive account that is invaluable both for the generalist and the specialist. Professor Herring relies on hundreds of books, both familiar and less known, and an equally broad array of professional journal articles to illustrate long-term continuities in U. S. relations with Latin America, Asia, and elsewhere. Half of this tour de force covers the period from 1776 to 1931, with nearly 500 pages devoted to 1931 up to the present.
For this writer, steeped in early editions of Thomas A. Bailey's A DIPOMATIC HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE,I was surprised by the new insights and interpretations presented by Herring. I call his book an American history decathlon because it, with admirable success, interweaves domestic and international considerations into his flowing narrative of U. S. foreign relations. As such, he will distress American history diplomatic and domestic period specialists because of his expansive scope and, at times, outspoken opinions.
I am reminded of a World History Association conference nearly twenty years ago, when a member of a panel on 12th century Spain sought to provide an overview assessment of the period. Several 12th century Spain social and religious panelists ignored the validity of this broad overview and focused on their own parochial nitpicking. The same has already occurred with FROM COLONY TO SUPER POWER: U.S. FOREIGN RELATIONS SINCE 1776. I prefer first to applaud the boldness of this delectable historical bouillabaisse before zeroing in on the appropriateness of some of the ingredients.
Professor Herring, one of our generation's most distinguished historians, as well David Kennedy, the current general editor of the Oxford History of the United States series, are fully familiar with the ground rules of traditional historians. They chose a bold approach intended to complement the period volumes in this series. The result is a highly readable, well-conceived narrative that provides remarkable insight into both the complexity and consistency of U. S. foreign relations from early days to the present.
Herring shines light into many long-forgotten corners that, in Latin America, in regarding American exceptionalism and racism, and in the myth of U. S. isolationism, contribute to a keen appreciation of how the past often is reflected in the present.
I doubt that anyone is qualified to assess all of the components of Professor Herring's invaluable compendium. He seems equally topical in his assessments of long-past situations asin his modern-day syntheses. Personally, I have been a student of American history for over two generations and an American history professor for the past 18 years. As a Foreign Service Officer, I enjoyed an insider's view of foreign affairs. As the creator of Moody's Investor Services' international bond and commercial paper credit ratings, I developed a global view of finance and politics. The great bulk of Herring's unique magnus opus rings true. Some, to my mind, do not.
I believe that his description of the Mexican-American War would have benefitted from John Eisenhower's SO FAR FROM GOD: THE U. S. WAR WITH MEXICO 1846-1848. Eisenhower's INTERVENTION: THE UNITED STATES' INVOLVEMENT IN THE MEXICAN REVOLUTON: 1913-1917 resents Woodrow Wilson in a less noble light that does Herring. The section of the American empire in the late 19th and early 20th century does not reflect the importance of five key individuals that were so brilliantly described in Warren Zimmermann's FIRST GREAT TRIUMPH: HOW FIVE AMERICANS MADE THEIR COUNTRY A WORLD POWER. Also David McCullough's THE PATH BETWEN THE SEAS, is the definitive account of the Panama Canal saga.
I thought that Herring do not give full measure to FDR's difficult domestic situation as he sought to lead America into becoming the arsenal for democracy. I also considered his treatment of Truman overly harsh. While Alonzo L. Hamby's MAN OF THE PEOPLE: A LIFE OF HARRY S. TRUMAN is more judicious than David McCullough's Pulitzer-winning TRUMAN, the latter provides a more favorable account of Truman's actions during a tumultuous time.
In a book with hundreds of bold opinions and judgments, every historian would find reason to cavil. However, overall I consider Herring's book a remarkable accomplishment. In less than 1,000 pages he has provided a cohesive, comprehensive account of U. S. foreign relations over more than two centuries. His themes have a credible timbre. They result in an overall appreciation of how U. S. foreign relations have evolved and how this relates to present-day situations from which the generalist and the specialist can richly benefit. I doubt that anyone will again have the guts and competence to undertake such a monumental overview of our global foreign relations as they evolved within a fast-changing domestic America.
In my opinion, economics is the primary driving force behind the growth and power of the United States. Initially, a volume, The American Economy by Stuart Bruchey, was included in the projected outline for the Oxford History of the United States. Evidently this did not work out and Professor Bruchey, in 1991, published independently Enterprise: The Dynamic Economy of a Free People. While Professor Herring constantly refers to economics in his history, he includes some stunning economic statistical errors. For example:
* On page 127 he states that the War of 1812 cost $158 billion. Does he mean million?
* On page 374 he states that the U. S. government gave Nicaragua $3 billion for a naval base and canal rights. The figure was $3 million.
* On page 597 he states that the U. S. GNP rocketed from $886 million in 1939 to $135 billion in 1945 (an astonishing increase). While I don't have my library at my Long Island summer home, the GDP for this period rose from $92.2 billion to $223 billion.
On balance I believe that Professor Herring has made a remarkable contribution to appreciating the nature of U. S. foreign relations from 1776 to the present. Personally, I will find it invaluable when I teach each of the periods. His overall scope, as well as his many priceless nuggets, renders this an imperative resource for all American historians. Hopefully, some students will discover that the nitty-gritty of American foreign relations is both fascinating and essential to understanding where we came from. Indeed, modern-day policy makers would benefit before they stumble into another Iraq or Afghanistan situation. As Professor Herring wisely concludes "The United States cannot dictate the shape of a new world order, but the way it responds to future foreign policy challenges can help ensure its security and well-being and exert a powerful influence for good or ill."
Comprehensive Overview of United States diplomacy June 16, 2010
Lehigh History Student
From Colony to Superpower provides an overview of United States Foreign Relations from 1776 to the Post 9/11 period looking at not only the events that happened but their paradigm shifts in diplomatic philosophy as each administration came to power. These administrations could be comprised of Congress, Secretary of states, state department bureaucracies or most commonly the President but each is taken in the context of those who were making the decisions. It should also be noted that this book is part of the Oxford History of the United States which has traditionally looked at a single period in our history. This book follows the companion series that are common in Oxford although not labeled as such. It is very well written and comprehensive in its analysis of how the United States evolved from a colony to great power to super power to hyper power and how in each stage of its evolution it has changed and adapted to foreign policy situations.
This book is divided into 10 chapters that break up the years but center on a theme during that time period to give the reader a context for the changing role the United States saw itself playing in those eras. For example the years of manifest destiny focuses on the expansion characteristics while the Gilded Age disabuses the notion of isolationism and focuses on the primarily trade negotiators that were occurring at that time. It should be noted that Professor Herring is a specialist in post world war II history so I know other readers have found some minor errors with his treatment of pre civil war diplomacy but none of this is major enough to distract from his points and is understandable given he is writing outside his area of expertise.
Overall if you are looking for a comprehensive book on how through diplomacy we became the nation we are today this is the best place to start.
 Sub Par for the Oxford Series May 4, 2010
Francis J. Conry (Bangkok, Thailand)
1 out of 2 found this review helpful
Herring's account begins well, but as the events move closer and closer to the present, a pronounced liberal bias becomes more and more apparent. His preference for Democratic presidents is manifest as is his distaste for George W. Bush, as shown in the final, ridiculous rant. Truly disappointing not only because of the strong beginning of the book, but also when compared to the other books in the series. He makes needless judgments that are not informative such as calling American Exceptionalism a "myth" and claiming that American open (if not quite free) trade policies with South America "stunted their economic development" the latter of which flies in the face of contemporary economic theory, the former a needless subjective judgement.
This book is informative, but is so layered with judgments as to make reading it extremely painful. I have two more books to go in the Oxford History of the United States series, and I very much hope neither will be as saturated with subjectivity as this tome.
 You've come a long way America April 19, 2010
Roger H. Anderson (Brimfield, MA, USA)
Many well informed writers have already provided their opinions of this comprehensive history of American foreign relations. I certainly agree with the majority that it is a very important work, accessible to the typical reader of history, and distinguished by its predominantly evenhanded analyses of how our founding fathers and successor Presidents and their advisors handled and/or mishandled the many thorny foreign issues that have presented themselves over the past 230 odd years. It will do little service to try and summarize the contents of this nearly 1000 page tome as it has been done by various preceding reviews, some more succinctly than others (anyone contemplating a thoughtful read should allow for a month or two unless you truly do not have a life, or else are a speed reading whiz). What I want to contribute are personal impressions of how I viewed the ongoing narrative.
A broadbrush summary is that from the American Revolution until World War II, the leaders of our country focused most of their energy on keeping foreign relations issues off the front burner unless forced into a stance. The main exception to this is the fairly long period from early 1800 to about 1850 when the nation was moving westward, engaging Native Americans and several foreign nations in the contest for control of the land not yet annexed, taking fairly aggressive actions toward this end. After WWII, our size and power, combined with ever progressing technological advances, and the rise of the Soviet Union and China, led America to adopt a mainly pro-active stance towards foreign relations albeit with several clear instances of fudging and muddling amidst uncertain perceptions of events (and in a few cases, a pretty evident case of spinelessness, eg. Rwanda genocide during Clinton's tenure).
Our Presidents have acted in foreign affairs mostly with restraint and caution, therefore the exceptions do stick out quite prominently. Andrew Jackson's policy of indian removal is certainly one. The Mexican War, which was skillfully exploited by Polk to further expand our nation's boundries, is another. The high-handed dealing of Teddy Roosevelt with Columbia and Pananma during the period leading up to the Canal building era is a third, and Kennedy's Bay of Pigs a fourth. One could also include George Bush's conduct towards Iraq, though it must be pointed out that more assertive internal and external questioning of his motives and underlying evidence during the promotional build-up might have kept us out of that mess (in post 9/11 atmosphere it seemed that wasn't considered very patriotic). In the long tail of history, the first three acts contributed a net positive to our nation's economic and political well being, but the means to these ends were mainly incompatible with our own high estimate of our worth to others in the world (what I understand to be the exceptionalism arguement).
The above cases aside, the entire history of our foreign relations seems to fit with historian Arnold Toynbee's "Challenge and Response" theory of civilizations, in that American sovereignty has been challenged by external (also internal in the case of the Civil War) forces inimical to its continuation, in greater or lesser measure, and has successfully responded to those challenges through our elected leadership. For a democracy, we have largely done well by ourselves in our choice of Presidents.
I had a few quibbles with the book. The editing seems to have been focused on grammatical errors, since there don't seem to be any of those. Several factual quantifiable errors were noted, however, leading to a reasonable inference by this hardly scholarly reviewer that more also might be in there. On page 127, the War of 1812 is listed as costing $158 billion dollars (it was millions). On page 374, Nicaragua got $3 billion (again, million) for a naval base from the US in 1912. The most egregious was our acquisition of 287,000 acres (in reality closer to 500 million) via the Louisiana Purchase, as stated on page 107. I thought that some of Professor Herring's scholarly friends had reviewed his chapters, or at least the editors of Oxford University Press. Then, there was the annoyingly repeated use of the phrase "to be sure" throughout the book. On that one, I got close to screaming like the AFLAC duck. . .
If you have the time and inclination to a study of the entire period of US foreign relations, this is a good choice.
Showing reviews 1-5 of 63
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